Comment Writer Samir Sehgal looks at the behaviour displayed by fans at the Euros in a wider context, arguing that classism has a significant influence on football hooliganism

Written by Samir Sehgal
Second Year History Student and Comment Columnist
Published
Last updated
Images by Tobias

Looking back at the Euros, it still feels unreal that England reached a major competition final for the first time in over 50 years. While they may not have won, they did the nation proud in a time when there is not much to be proud of. Unfortunately, such events were partially overshadowed by the racism and hooliganism that many have come to associate with the sport.

While they may not have won, they did the nation proud in a time when there is not much to be proud of

Most of us were shocked to see black England players Bukayo Saka, Marcus Rashford and Jadon Sancho receiving racial abuse over social media in reaction to their missed penalties in the final. Moreover, we saw fans storm Wembley in a drunken fuelled rage with many Italian fans and bystanders injured in the scuffles.

Attitudes towards the ‘working-classes’ and football fans have largely been entwined with politics as well as the broader socio-economic climate of the era. Football hooliganism as a concept was largely first identified in the 1880s, becoming recognisable as an element of English football in the 1960s, it was at this time when ‘the English Disease’ was first identified, with Everton’s ultras becoming renowned for violence and all round thuggery on matchdays. Nonetheless, it was not until the 1970s when such hooligan gangs took on an explicitly neo-Nazi or racist bent. Britain’s second wave of fascism was sweeping the nation alongside the growth of the National Front political party and increasingly attacks against black players, both verbal and physical, who were emerging for the first time at the high level, were a common theme among hardcore football fans. This trend would continue into the 1980s, reaching a peak in 1985 when fans were deemed responsible for in large-scale rioting in Luton when Millwall played Luton Town in the quarter-final of the FA Cup, leading to Thatcher to form a ‘war cabinet’ to combat ‘football hooliganism’.

It is at this point where we muddy the waters, because here we must consider the class-based prejudice insinuated when we discuss ‘football hooliganism’. Football has always been a predominantly working-class game, with large working class fanbases.

Football has always been a predominantly working-class game, with large working class fanbases

In the midst of the greatest assault on the British working class in the 20th century, that being the Thatcher government’s labour reforms, is it no surprise that Thatcher and much of the billionaire-owned press sought to label football fans as dangerous and racist in a bid to delegitimize the struggle of working class people in this country. The Hillsborough disaster of 1989 comes to mind, which saw 94 fans initially crushed as a result of poor stadium design and negligence on the part of the Police, all the while press outlets such as the Sun ran false headlines blaming hooligan Liverpool fans for starting a riot and then supposedly looting the bodies. Worse still, the Thatcher government then took to burying evidence to protect police officers who opened the gates and allowed the stadium to be overcrowded. Lastly, this tragedy must be taken into context of the longstanding animosity held towards the left-wing city of Liverpool and the Thatcher government, which had even considered ‘abandoning’ the city in the wake of riots in 1981. 

The growth of ‘football hooliganism’ falls in-line with the gradual decline of working-class power and solidarity

In my opinion, the growth of ‘football hooliganism’ falls in-line with the gradual decline of working-class power and solidarity, with weakened unions, longer hours and higher levels of urban poverty, leading to higher rates of alcoholism and drug abuse. Mixed-in with an increasingly multi-cultural society and a media consistently dog whistling on the ‘threat’ foreigners pose to British jobs and the subsequent re-growth of far-right politics. Nevertheless, while a problem, we must remain vigilant of those who seek to use ‘football hooliganism’ as a tool of division between white and ethnic minority working-class communities. Therefore, the racial abuse and drunken hooliganism in the aftermath of England’s defeat must be expected, because this culture, this English disease, is a by-product of the rot of neoliberalism set over 40 years ago.


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